ODIN

The Online Database of Interlinear Text

 

The following interlinear glossed text data was extracted from a document found on the World Wide Web via a semi-automated process. The data presented here could contain corruption (degraded or missing characters), so the source document (link below) should be consulted to ensure accuracy. If you use any of the data shown here for research purposes, be sure to cite ODIN and the source document. Please use the following citation record or variant thereof:

William Harold Torrence (2005). Chapter 1.

URL: http://www.people.ku.edu/~torrence/academic/dissertation-files/torrence-dis-chapter-1-introduction.pdf

(Last accessed 2009-07-23).

ODIN: http://odin.linguistlist.org/igt_raw.php?id= 3826&langcode=wol (2019-08-20).

 

Example #1:

    b. Faatu ak Yusf dr-nt-waat-g-u-u
    faatu and yusafa hit-recip-rep-yet-neg-3pl
    "Faatu and Yusafa had not hit each other again yet"
Example #2:

    (6) a. lekk-na-a ceebujn                          neutral focus
    eat-na-1sg rice.fish
    "I ate fishrice"
Example #3:

    (14) a. door-u-ma-leen-fa                               -ATR clitics
    begin-neg-1sg-3pl-loc
    "I did not begin them there"
Example #4:

    c. duy-l-n-ln-fa                             +ATR clitics
    draw.water-ben-na-3pl-loc
    "he drew water there for them"
Example #5:

    (16) a. gr g.u Smba xool-oon ggl            Long Distance Harmony
    man cl.u samba look.at-past dem
    "the aforementioned man who Samba looked at"
Example #6:

    b.xale b.u Bint gis-n boobale                  Long Distance Harmony
    child cl.u binta see-past dem
    "the aforementioned child who Binta saw"
Example #7:

    c. b.i m ln k dr-l-                      Regressive Harmony
    cl.i 1sg 3pl 3sg hit-ben-perf
    "when I hit him for them"
Example #8:

    d. b.i ma leen ko door-al-ee                      Regressive Harmony
    cl.i 1sg 3pl 3sg begin-ben-perf
    "when I began it for them"
Example #9:

    y      w.u a xool
    elephant cl.u 2sg look.at
    "an elephant that you looked at"
Example #10:

    e.   gis n u ln
    see na 3pl 3pl
    "they saw them"
Example #11:

    (23) a. (*b) ilr b-ii
    cl hoe cl-this
    "this hoe"
Example #12:

    b. b-ii (b) ilr14
    cl-this cl hoe
    "this hoe"
Example #13:

    (24) a. dem-na-a                                   na-clause
    leave-na-1sg
    "I left"
Example #14:

    c. dem-nga                                  na-clause
    leave-na.2sg
    "you left"
Example #15:

    (25) a. tabax-*(e)-na-nu kr g n-u gaaw-e                         ni-adverb
    build-mann-na-1pl house the cl-u quick-mann
    "we built the house quickly"
Example #16:

    b. tabax-(*e)-na-nu kr g b-u gaaw                         bu-adverb
    build-mann-na-1pl house the cl-u quick
    "we were quick to build the house"
Example #17:

    c. tabax-(*e)-na-nu kr g ci l-u gaaw                                 lu-adverb
    build-mann-na-1pl house the P c l-u quick
    "the event of our building the house was quick"
Example #18:

    (32) a. xaj b.ii
    dog cl.this
    "this dog"
Example #19:

    b. b.ii xaj
    cl.this dog
    "THIS dog(, not that one)"
Example #20:

    (33) a. xaj b.an
    dog cl.which
    "which dog?"
Example #21:

    b.b.an     xaj
    cl.which dog
    "which dog?"
Example #22:

    (34) a. b-epp xaj                          cl-epp N = every N
    cl-     dog
    "every dog"
Example #23:

    b. xaj b-epp                        N cl-epp = the entire N
    dog cl-
    "the entire dog"
Example #24:

    c. y-epp xaj                        cl-epp N = all Ns
    cl.pl- dog
    "ALL dogs"
Example #25:

    d. xaj y-epp                        N cl-epp = all Ns
    dog cl.pl-
    "all dogs"
Example #26:

    c. xaj yi da-u a mtt jign ji                                        verb cleft
    dog the do-3pl a bite woman the
    "what the dogs did is bite the woman"
Example #27:

    (41) a. Lekk-na-ma/a                                                   na-clause
    eat-na-1sg
    "I have eaten"
Example #28:

    b. Lekk-u-ma/*a                                                negative
    eat-neg-1sg
    "I have not eaten"
Example #29:

    (i) d-ees-na         lekk ceebujn bs bu nekk
    di-impers-na eat fishrice day bu exist
    "people eat fishrice everyday"
Example #30:

    (ii) di-na-a lekk ceebujn bs bu nekk
    di-na-1sg eat fishrice day bu exist
    "I eat fishrice everyday"
Example #31:

    (42) a. Toog-na-                                                     na-clause
    sit-na-3sg
    "He sat"
Example #32:

    b. Bgg-na-a [CP mu23 toog ]                                    subjunctive
    want-na-1sg 3sg sit
    "I want him to sit"
Example #33:

    (43) xale yi      jnd-na-u am, togg ko (te) lekk (ko).
    child the.pl buy-na-3pl food cook 3O and eat 3O
    "the children bought some food, cooked it, and ate it"
Example #34:

    (44) aaye-na-a-leen     (u) dem
    prevent-na-1sg-3pl 3pl leave
    "I prevented them from leaving"
Example #35:

    (45) aaye-na-a-*(leen) u dem
    prevent-na-1sg-3pl 3pl leave
    "I prevented them from leaving"
Example #36:

    (46) a. tinu-na-a-ln (u) tox     ymbaa     ji
    beg-na-1sg-3pl 3pl smoke marijuana the
    "I begged them to smoke the marijuana"
Example #37:

    b. tinu-na-a-ln ci *(u) tox       yambaa ji
    beg-na-1sg-3pl C     3pl smoke marijuana the
    "I begged them to smoke the marijuana"
Example #38:

    (47) a. dem-na-*(u)                      na-clause
    leave-na-3pl
    "they left"
Example #39:

    b. xale yi      dem-na-*(u)       na-clause
    child the.pl leave-na-3pl
    "the children left"
Example #40:

    (48) a. bgg-na-a (*ma) dem
    want-na-1sg 1sg leave
    "I want to leave"
Example #41:

    b. bgg-na-i mu*i/j dem
    want-na-3sg 3sg leave
    "he wants him to leave"
Example #42:

    b. da-ma-ko-fi teg dmb
    do-1sg-3sg-loc put yesterday
    "I PUT it here yesterday"
Example #43:

    (52) a. di-na-a lekk eent i mngo
    di-na-1sg eat four det mango
    "I will eat four mangos"
Example #44:

    b. di-na-a-ci       lekk eent
    di-na-1sg-part eat four
    "I will eat four of them"
Example #45:

    (57) yow m-i, di-na-a-la         gis                pronoun + mi-class agreement
    2sgind cl-def di-na-1sg-2sg see
    "you, I will see you"
Example #46:

    (59) a. xale b.a                                           DP
    child cl.a
    "the distal child"
Example #47:

    b. xale b.a u xool                                 relative clause
    child cl.a 3pl look.at
    "the child there that they looked at"
Example #48:

    c. b.a u dem-ee                                    temporal clause
    cl.a 3pl leave-perf
    "when they left"
Example #49:

    f. tmbali-na-a-leen a jm  lekk                  restructuring
    begin-na-1sg-3pl a try a eat
    "I began to try to eat them"
Example #50:

    g. da-u mer-a-mer                                  emphatic reduplication
    do-3pl angry-a-angry
    "they are really angry"
Example #51:

    h. a-ka ya-a dof!                                   exclamative subject cleft
    a-ka 2sg-a crazy
    "how crazy you are!"
Example #52:

    (60) a. xale       a
    child      a
    *"the     child"
Example #53:

    b. xale b-a
    child cl-a
    "the child"
Example #54:

    na a lekk gato bi
    na-1sg eat cake the
    "I should eat the cake!"
Example #55:

    (63) a. (xale yi) dr-l-n-u-l-k-f                                               na-clause
    child the.pl hit-ben-na-3pl-2sg-3sg-loc
    "the children, they hit him for you there"
Example #56:

    e. bgg-na-a u dr-l-l-k-f
    want-na-1sg 3pl hit-ben-2sg-3sg-loc
    "I want them to hit him for you there"
Example #57:

    (i) bgg-na-a-ln/*u
    love-na-1sg-3plobj/3plsubj
    "I love them"
Example #58:

    (ii) bgg-na-a *ln/u dem
    want-na-1sg 3plobj/3plS go
    "I want him to go"
Example #59:

    (iii) di-na-a         (*mu) bgg mu dem                       mu must follow verb
    imperf-na-1sg 3sg want 3sg go
    "I will want him to go"
Example #60:

    (iv) di-na-a-ko           bgg-(*ko)                          ko object clitic must precede verb
    imperf-na-1sg-3sg love-3sg
    "I will love him"
Example #61:

    (v) bgg-n-na-a-k          llg
    want-past-na-1sg-3sg tomorrow
    "I would like/want it tomorrow"
Example #62:

    (vi) bgg-n-na-a u dem llg
    want-past-na-1sg 3pl go tomorrow
    "I would like them to go tomorrow"
Example #63:

    (vii) bgg-n-na-a, llg,           u dem
    want-past-na-1sg tomorrow 3pl go
    "I would like them to go tomorrow"
Example #64:

    f. bgg-na-a xale yi           dr-l-l-k-f               subjunctive
    want-na-1sg child the.pl hit-ben-2sg-3sg-loc
    "I want the children to hit him for you there"
Example #65:

    (66) dr-l-n-u-l-k-f                                 Post-verbal Clitics
    hit-appl-na-3pl-2sg-3sg-loc
    "they hit him for you there"
Example #66:

    (67) bgg-na-a u dr-l-l-k                             Split Clitics
    want-na-1sg 3pl hit-appl-2sg-3sg
    "I want them to hit him for you"
Example #67:

    (70) a. b.i ma-ko laata-(a) gis
    cl.i 1sg-3sg before-perf see
    "before I saw him"
Example #68:

    b. laata ma gis-ko
    before 1sg-see-3sg
    "before I saw him"
Example #69:

    (72) a. lgi mu jng-al-leen tr bi                     lgi + subjunctive
    soon 3sg read-ben-3pl book the
    *"now, he is reading them the book"
Example #70:

    b. *mu jng-al-leen tr bi lgi                  lgi + subjunctive
    3sg read-ben-3p book the soon
    *"he is reading the book now"
Example #71:

    c. lgi mu-ngi-leen di jng-al tr bi            lgi + progressive
    now 3sg-prog-3pl di read-ben book the
    *"soon he will be reading the book"
Example #72:

    d.mu-ngi-leen di jng-al tr bi lgi             lgi + progressive
    3sg-prog-3pl di read-ben book the now
    *"he will be reading the book soon"
Example #73:

    b. ygg-[CP na u jm-ln-k togg-al]              ygg + subjunctive CP
    be.long-na 3pl try-3pl-3sg cook-ben
    "it has been a long time since they have tried to cook it for them"
Example #74:

    (75) a. xale yi      scc-na-u gato bi
    child the.pl steal-na-3pl cake the
    "the children stole the cake"
Example #75:

    b. xale yi      scc-i-na-u          gato bi                -i- allative suffix
    child the.pl steal-allative-na-3pl cake the
    "the children went and stole the cake"
Example #76:

    c. xale yi scc-si-na-u gato bi                             -si- illative
    child the.pl steal-illative-na-3pl cake the
    "the children came and stole the cake"
Example #77:

    d. xale yi scc-ante-na-u                                   -ante reciprocal
    child the.pl steal-recip-na-3pl
    "the children stole each other"
Example #78:

    e. xale yi      scc-scc-lu-na-u gato bi                 V-V-lu pretendive
    child the.pl steal-steal-?-na-3pl cake the
    "the children pretended to steal the cake"
Example #79:

    f. xale yi      scc-e-na-u       gato bi (ak) smmi     -e- instrumental
    child the.pl steal-instr-na-3pl cake the with hatchet
    "the children stole the cake with a hatchet"
Example #80:

    g xale yi       tj-n-u bunt bi
    child the.pl close-na-3pl door the
    "the children closed the door"
Example #81:

    h. xale yi      tijji-n-u    bunt bi                     reversive
    child the.pl un.close-na-3pl door the
    "the children unclosed the door"
Example #82:

    (78) a. lekk-ati-waat-na-u
    eat-iter1-iter2-na-3pl
    "they ate for the second time again"
Example #83:

    b. *lekk-aat-ati-na-u
    eat-iter2-iter1-na-3pl
    "they ate again for the second time"
Example #84:

    (79) lekk-at-ti-na-u
    eat-iter1-iter1-na-3pl
    "they ate again for the second time"
Example #85:

    (80) a. [kan] l-a-u dr-ti-wn
    who xpl-a-3pl hit-again-past
    "who did they hit again?"
Example #86:

    b. [kan-ati-woon] l-a-u dr
    who-again-past xpl-a-3pl hit
    "who did they hit again?"
Example #87:

    (81) a. togg-(e)-na-a      yaasa bi ak kuddu gi
    cook-instr-na-1sg yaasa the with spoon the
    "I cooked the yaasa with the spoon"
Example #88:

    b. *togg-e-na-a        ak kudu gi yaasa bi
    cook-instr-na-1sg with spoon the yaasa the
    "I cooked with the spoon the yaasa"
Example #89:

    c. togg-e-na-a       yaasa bi kuddu gi
    cook-instr-na-1sg yaasa the spoon the
    "I cooked the yaasa with the spoon"
Example #90:

    d. togg-e-na-a       kuddu gi yaasa bi
    cook-instr-na-1sg spoon the yaasa the
    "I cooked the yaasa with the spoon"
Example #91:

    (82) a. gr i    gor-na-u        garab gi
    man the.pl cut.down-na-3pl tree the
    "the men cut down the tree"
Example #92:

    b. gor-na-u        garab gi                                    3pl subject
    cut.down-na-3pl tree the
    "they cut down the tree"
Example #93:

    c. gor-ees-na         garab gi                                  arbitrary subject
    cut.down-arb-na tree the
    "the tree got cut down"
Example #94:

    d. tj-na-a      bunt bi                                        active
    close-na-1sg door the
    "I closed the door"
Example #95:

    e. bunt bi tj-ku-n                                          reflexive/middle
    door the close-refl-na
    "the door closed (itself)"
Example #96:

    f. won-na-a xale yi          nataal bi                                 ditransitive
    show-na-1sg child the.pl picture the
    "I showed the children the picture"
Example #97:

    g.won-e-na-a       (*xale yi) nataal bi                                argument suppressor
    show-arg-na-1sg child the.pl picture the
    "I displayed the picture"
Example #98:

    (84) a. tiit-na-a                                    Stative Predicate
    be.afraid-na-1sg
    "I am afraid"
Example #99:

    b. dem-na-a                           Active Predicate
    go-na-1sg
    *"I leave"
Example #100:

    (85) a. tiit-n-na-a                    Stative Predicate
    be.afraid-past-na-1sg
    "I was afraid (but I am not now)"
Example #101:

    b. dem-oon-na-a                       Active Predicate
    go-past-na-1sg
    "I had left"
Example #102:

    (86) b-i-ma gis- Bint, da-ma-a daw
    cl-i-1sg see-perf binta do-1sg-a run
    "when I saw Binta, I ran"
Example #103:

    (87) a. di-na-u jng ay      taalif                         Active Predicate
    di-na-3pl read indef poem
    "they will read (some) poems"
Example #104:

    b. di-na-u mer                                     Stative Predicate
    di-na-3pl angry
    "they will be angry"
Example #105:

    (88) a. d-aa-woon-na-a           lekk ceebujn
    di-pasthab-past-na-1sg eat fishrice
    "I used to eat fishrice"
Example #106:

    b. di-na-a d-oon lekk ceebujn
    di-na-1sg di-past eat fishrice
    "I was eating fishrice"
Example #107:

    c. d-aan-na-a          woon *(di) lekk ceebujn
    di-pasthab-na-1sg past     di eat ceebujn
    "I used to eat ceebujn"
Example #108:

    (89) a. d-aan-na-a         tx    ymbaa                          di present
    di-pasthab-na-1sg smoke marijuana
    "I used to smoke marijuana"
Example #109:

    b. *tx-aan-na-a          ymbaa                           di absent
    smoke-pasthab-na-1sg marijuana
    "I used to smoke marijuana"
Example #110:

    (90) tusuur ma togg-al-aan Isaa ceebujn
    always 1sg cook-ben-hab isaa fishrice
    "I always used to cook Isaa fishrice"
Example #111:

    (91) a. d-aa-woon-na-a           lekk cbujn
    di-pasthab-past-na-1sg eat    fishrice
    "I used to eat fishrice"
Example #112:

    b.d-aan-na-a woon          *(di) lekk cbujn
    di-pasthab-na-1sg past di eat fishrice
    "I used to eat fishrice"
Example #113:

    (92) a. na-nu jnd aw jn                         optative
    opt-1pl buy a fish
    "we should buy a fish!"
Example #114:

    b. *na-nu jnd-n aw jn                  optative + past tense
    opt-1pl buy-past a fish
    "we should have bought a fish!"
Example #115:

    (93) a. di-na-u     jng ay taalif                              di...V
    di-na-3pl-di read indef poem
    "they will read (some) poems"                                future
Example #116:

    b.di-na-u-y jng ay taalif                               di...di...V
    di-na-3pl-di read indef poem
    *"they will read (some) poems"                           *future
Example #117:

    (94) a. lekk-oon-na-a                                       ( St. Louis,   Dakar)
    eat-past-na-1sg
    "I had eaten"
Example #118:

    b. %lekk-na-a woon                                  (*St. Louis,   Dakar)
    eat-na-1sg past
    "I had eaten"
Example #119:

    c. lekk-andi-woon-na-a                              ( St. Louis)
    eat-while-past-na-1sg
    "I ate in the meanwhile"
Example #120:

    d. lekk-andi-na-a woon                              ( St. Louis)
    eat-while-na-1sg past
    "I ate in the meanwhile"
Example #121:

    (95) a. lekk-na-u gato bi                        na-clause
    eat-na-3pl cake the
    "they ate the cake"
Example #122:

    b. lekk-u-u gato bi                       negative
    eat-neg-3pl cake the
    "they did not eat the cake"
Example #123:

    (96) a. lekk-u-u woon gato bi                    negative
    eat-neg-3pl past cake the                 neg....tense
    "they did not eat the cake"
Example #124:

    b. *lekk-oon-u-u gato bi                  negative
    eat-past-neg-3pl cake the              tense...neg
    "they did not eat teh cake"
Example #125:

    c. d-oon-u-u lekk gato bi                 negative
    di-past-neg-3pl eat cake the            tense...neg
    "they were not eating the cake"
Example #126:

    d.d-u-u    woon lekk gato bi              negative
    di-neg-3pl past eat cake the             neg...tense
    "they were not eating the cake"
Example #127:

    (97) a. nu-angi-leen di togg-al knja                                          progressive
    1pl-prog-3pl di cook-ben okra
    "we are cooking okra for them"
Example #128:

    b. xale y--ngi-leen          di togg-al knja                          progressive
    child cl.pl-def+?-prog-3pl di cook-ben okra
    "the children are cooking the okra for them"
Example #129:

    d. *nu-angi-leen d-ul togg-al knja
    1pl-prog-3pl di-neg cook-ben okra
    "we are not cooking okra for them"
Example #130:

    (98) ba-oon-na-nu-leen-fa-a jm- dimbali                                  ba = "refuse"
    refuse-past-na-1pl-loc-a try-a help
    "we had refused to try to help them there"
Example #131:

    (99) a. ceebujn daf-a kk xorom                                            kk = lack
    rice.fish do-a lack salt
    "the fishrice lacks salt"
Example #132:

    b.kk-na-a-leen a tl  jm  jnd                                 kk = fail
    fail-na-1sg-3pl a early a try a buy
    "I failed to try to buy them early"
Example #133:

    (100) a. bgg-na-a xale yi                ba/kk-a toj       ndap li    embedded negation
    want-na-1sg child the.pl         refuse/fail-a break jar the
    (lit. "I want the children to     refuse/fail to break the jar")
Example #134:

    (101) a. d-u(*l) ubbi bunt bi                                      negative imperfective
    di-neg open door the
    "he does not open the door"
Example #135:

    (103) a. lekk-ul
    eat-neg
    "he did not eat"
Example #136:

    b. lekk-u(*l)-ko
    eat-neg-3sg
    "he did not eat it"
Example #137:

    (106) [TP gis-n]-n-u-f    Isaa
    see-past-na-3pl-loc isaa
    "they saw Isaa there"
Example #138:

    (107) a. *tx-aan-na-a
    smoke-habpast-na-1sg
    "I used to smoke"
Example #139:

    b.d-aan-na-a       tx
    di-habpast-na1sg smoke
    "I used to smoke"
Example #140:

    (108) foog-na-a       [CP ne [CP togg-na-u yaasa ]]
    think-na-1sg        ne      cook-na-3pl yaasa
    "I think that they cooked yaasa"
Example #141:

    (109) bgg-na-a  u togg-ko
    want-na-1sg C 3pl cook-3sg
    "I want them to cook it"
Example #142:

    (110) a. %bgg-na-a ne u togg-ko
    want-na-1sg ne 3pl cook-3sg
    "I want that they cook it"
Example #143:

    b. *foog-na-o o dem-na-u                         a + na (neutral)
    think-na-3pl a leave-na-3pl
    "they think that they left"
Example #144:

    c. bgg-na-  dem                                a + non-finite CP
    want-na-3pl a leave
    "they want to leave"
Example #145:

    (116) a. k-an k-i      mu a dem                               wh + definite article
    cl-an cl-def 3sg a leave
    "who is it that left?"
Example #146:

    b. k-an    k-enn mu a dem                                   wh + one/some
    cl-an   cl-one 3sg a leave
    "who    alone is it that left?"
Example #147:

    c. k-an k-eneen mu a dem                                    wh + "other"
    cl-an cl-other 3sg a leave
    "who else is it that left?"
Example #148:

    d. k-an k-oo-k-u          mu a dem                          wh + demonstrative
    cl-an cl-dem-cl-dem 3sg a leave
    "who is it that left?"
Example #149:

    e. k-an moom mu a dem                              wh + strong pronoun
    cl-an 3sgstr 3sg a leave
    "who is it that (would have had the nerve to have) left?"
Example #150:

    (117) k.u dem
    cl.u leave
    "who left?"
Example #151:

    (119) a. l.u tax mu dem
    cl.u cause 3sg leave
    (lit. "what caused that he leave?")
Example #152:

    b. (l.u) tee      mu dem
    cl.u. prevent 3sg leave
    (lit. "what prevented he leave?")
Example #153:

    c. ngir l.an mu a tax         mu dem
    for cl.an 3sg a cause 3sg leave
    (more literally, "for what is it that caused him to leave?")
Example #154:

    (120) a. nag yi    yy-n-u    ag mi                          na-CP
    cow the.pl chew-na-3pl grass the
    "the cows chewed the grass"
Example #155:

    b. nag yi     yy-n-u lan                           na-CP + wh
    cow the.pl chew-na-3pl what
    "the cows chewed what?"                            echo wh question
Example #156:

    (121) lani l-a nag yi           yy ti ?
    what xpl-a cow the.pl chew
    "what is it that the cows chewed?"
Example #157:

    (122) a. foog-na-u [CP ne tr bi l-a-a              jx Isaa ]
    think-na-3pl       ne book the xpl-a-1sg give isaa
    "they think that it was the book that I gave Isaa"
Example #158:

    b. lani l-a-u foog ne ti l-a-a               jx Isaa
    what xpl-a-3pl think ne         xpl-a-1sg give isaa
    "what is it that they think that it was that I gave Isaa?"
Example #159:

    c. [CP lan l-a-a      jx Isaa ]i l-a-u        foog ti
    what xpl-a-1sg give isaa xpl-a-3pl think
    "that it was what that I gave Isaa is t that they think?"
Example #160:

    e. [CP tr bi l-a-a       jx Isaa ]I l-a-u      foog ti
    book the xpl-a-1sg give isaa xpl-a-3pl think
    "that it was a book that I gave Issa is what they think"
Example #161:

    (123) (an-a) lan l-a-u      togg
    Q     what xpl-a-3pl cook
    "what did they cook?"
Example #162:

    (124) xam-na-a     (an-a) lan l-a-u togg
    know-na-1sg Q       what xpl-a-3pl cook
    "I know what they cooked"
Example #163:

    (125) a. gis-na-nu kan                                   wh + na
    see-na-1pl who
    "we saw who?" = echo only
Example #164:

    (i) da-o-o gis kan                     Verb Cleft
    do-3pl-a see who
    "who they SEE?"
Example #165:

    b.kan gis-na-nu-*(ko)                           wh + na
    who see-na1pl-3sg
    "we saw who?" (echo only)
Example #166:

    c. *ana gis-na-nu kan                           ana + na
    Q see-na-1pl who
    "we saw who?"
Example #167:

    d. *ana kan gis-na-nu-ko                        ana + na
    Q who see-na-1pl-3sg
    "who did we see?"
Example #168:

    (127) jngalekat yi,      tox-na-u     ymbaa ji
    teacher    the.pl smoke-na-3pl marijuana the
    "the teachers, they smoked the marijuana"
Example #169:

    (128) a. ndax [CP tox-na-u      ymbaa ji ]                            Q [CP]
    Q         smoke-na-3pl marijuana the
    "did they smoke the marijuana?"
Example #170:

    b.[CP tox-na-u     ymbaa ji ] ndax                              [CP] Q
    smoke-na-3pl marijuana the Q
    "did they smoke the marijuana?"
Example #171:

    (129) a. d-u gis-u-nu        Isaa?
    di-neg see-neg-1pl isaa
    "we saw Isaa, right?"
Example #172:

    b. *gis-u-nu    Isaa d-u?                        *[CP] du
    see-neg-1pl isaa di-neg
    "we saw Isaa, right?"
Example #173:

    c. te-d-u      gis-u-nu   Isaa?
    and-di-neg see-neg-1pl isaa
    "we saw Isaa, right?"
Example #174:

    d. gis-u-nu Isaa te-d-u
    see-neg-1pl isaa and-di-neg
    "we saw Isaa, right?"
Example #175:

    (130) a. mbaa gis-na-nu Isaa
    Q    see-na-1pl isaa
    "we saw Isaa, right?"
Example #176:

    b. gis-na-nu Isaa, mbaa
    see-na-1pl isaa Q
    "we saw Isaa, right?"
Example #177:

    (132) a. xale bi, gis-na-a-*(k)                                    DO CLLD
    child the see-na-1sg-3sg
    "the child, I saw him"
Example #178:

    b.kr g,       gis-na-a-ko-*(f)                            Loc CLLD
    house the.dist see-na-1sg-3sg-loc
    "the house, I saw him there"
Example #179:

    (133) xale bi, garab yi,        jox-na-a-leen-ko
    child the tree the.pl give-na-1sg-3pl-3sg
    "the child, the trees, I gave them to him"
Example #180:

    (134) garab yi,      xale bi, jox-na-a-leen-ko                               (cf. (133))
    tree the. pl child the give- na-1sg-3pl-3sg
    "the trees, the child, I gave them to him"
Example #181:

    (135) oom, scc-al-na-a-*(leen)-fa gato bi
    3plstr steal-ben-na-1sg-3pl-loc cake the
    "as for them I stole the cake for them there"
Example #182:

    (136) a. moom-xale bi, gis-na-a-*(k)
    3sgstr-child the see-na-1sg-3sg
    "he the child, I saw him"
Example #183:

    b. xale bi-moom, gis-na-a-*(k )
    child the-3sgstr see-na-1sg-3sg
    "the child he, I saw him"
Example #184:

    (137) gis-na-a-*(ln) dmb,     oom
    see-na-1sg-3pl yesterday 3plstr
    "I saw them yesterday, them"
Example #185:

    (138) xale yi,      gis-na-a-*(ln) dmb,   oom
    child the.pl see-na-1sg-3pl yesterday 3plstr
    "the kids, I saw them yesterday, them"
Example #186:

    (140) a. gis-na-a b-enn xaj
    see-na-1sg cl-1 dog
    "I saw a certain dog"
Example #187:

    (143) a. gr gi nag, xale yi,       dq-na-u-*(ko)
    man the TOP child the.pl chase-na-3pl-3sg
    "as for the man, the children, they chased him"
Example #188:

    (144) a. gr gi nag ndax xale yi           nag, dq-na-u-*(ko)
    man the TOP Q        child the.pl TOP chase-na-3pl-3sg
    "as for the man, as for the children did they chase him?"
Example #189:

    c. ??ndax gr gi nag xale yi              nag     dq-na-u-*(ko)
    Q      man the TOP child the.pl TOP           chase-na-3pl-3sg
    as for the man, as for the children did they chase him?"
Example #190:

    (146) di-na-nu-leen nag togg-al coof      gi
    di-na-1pl-3pl TOP cook-ben sea.bass the
    "we WILL cook them the seabass"
Example #191:

    (147) a. xaj bi gaa, muus yi         nag, dmb        l--ln dq          gaa...nag
    dog the TOP, cat     the.pl TOP yesterday xpl-a-3pl chase
    "the dog indeed, as for the cats, it was yesterday that he chased them"
Example #192:

    b. *muus yi       nag, xaj bi gaa dmb            l--ln dq *nag... gaa
    cat    the.pl TOP dog the TOP yesterday xpl-a-3pl chase
    "as for the cats, the dog indeed, it was yesterday that he chased them"
Example #193:

    (148) a. *gis-ng-k,      xale bi nag
    see-na+2sg-3sg child the TOP
    "you saw him, the child"
Example #194:

    b. gis-ng-k      ndax xale bi nag
    see-na+2sg-3sg Q       child the TOP
    "did you see him, the child?"
Example #195:

    (149) a. gis-na-a-k *(moom)-xale bi59                                                                60
    see-na-1sg-3sg 3sg/str-child the
    "I saw him he the child"
Example #196:

    b. *gis-na-a-k    xale bi-(moom)                              strong pronoun follows
    see-na-1sg-3sg child the-3sg/str
    "I saw him the child he"
Example #197:

    b. gis-na-a-(*k) beykat bi                                    Wolof
    see-na-1sg-3sg farmer the
    "I saw the farmer"
Example #198:

    (151) a. gis-na-a-k *(moom)-xale
    see-na-1sg-3sg 3sgstr-child
    "I saw a child"
Example #199:

    (153) moom-xale bi, gis-na-a-*(k)
    3sgstr-child the see-na-1sg-3sg
    "the child, I saw him"